Polio Vaccine

Aajonus grounded his case against the polio vaccine in a specific body of official data recorded in the year immediately following the vaccine's mandatory introduction. He cited this data across multiple seminars, books, newsletters, and Q&A sessions, treating it as the most decisive piece of documentary evidence available.

Polio vaccine became mandatory in 1958. Only four states and one city, the county of Los Angeles, kept records of polio incidence before and after the law took effect. The comparison between 1958, before compulsory vaccination, and 1959, when it was enforced, showed the following:

Connecticut went from 45 cases to 123, an increase of 273 percent. Los Angeles went from 89 cases to 190, an increase of 213 percent. North Carolina went from 78 cases to 313, an increase of 401 percent. Ohio went from 17 cases to 52, an increase of 306 percent. Tennessee went from 119 cases to 386, an increase of 324 percent.

Ohio's comparatively smaller increase he attributed directly to the fact that Ohio had an escape clause in its vaccination law, and many people declined inoculation. The fewer vaccines administered, the lower the incidence of polio relative to the other states. He noted that in some areas, the increase reached as high as 432 percent above the pre-vaccine baseline, and he cited the high end of increases as running from 400 to 470 percent depending on the locality and the year of measurement being referenced.

Of all people who had polio in 1959 in those tracked areas, 82 percent had been vaccinated with one or more polio vaccines. Twenty percent had received at least three polio vaccinations. All cases had received at least one vaccine. He also noted that most of the people reported as having died from polio were individuals who had received medical treatment, as opposed to those who refused intervention and supported their bodies with raw foods.

After this single year of record-keeping, the federal government prohibited further tracking of any relationship between disease incidence and vaccination status. Every state and city was forbidden from maintaining records that could be used to connect vaccine administration with disease outcomes. He cited this prohibition as itself evidence of the fraudulent nature of the vaccine program: "Why would they do that if vaccines weren't a hoax in the first place?"

A central pillar of Aajonus's argument was that polio had already essentially disappeared before the vaccine was ever distributed. By 1957, polio had declined to less than 1 percent of what it had been at its epidemic peak roughly a decade earlier. In some formulations he described the incidence as being down to one case in 500,000 people by 1957 to 1958. By the time the vaccine was released in 1958, the disease had "already run its course."

He used this timing to expose what he considered a deliberate pattern across all vaccine programs. Vaccines take a minimum of 18 months to manufacture, test, package, and bring to market. He argued that pharmaceutical companies begin producing a vaccine only after a disease has already peaked and is trending toward its natural end. By the time the vaccine reaches the market, the disease is virtually gone. The vaccine is then credited with the elimination, even though the elimination had nothing to do with the vaccine. He extended this logic beyond polio to describe it as the universal operating method of the vaccine industry.

He cited the polio case specifically as one of the most egregious examples: "Polio was down to 1% already. So they took the benefit, they took the credit of destroying polio. It was absolute garbage, nonsense." The financial motive was direct: he estimated that the pharmaceutical industry made approximately $3 billion in the first year of the mandatory polio vaccine program alone.

Aajonus described the composition of polio vaccines, and of all vaccines broadly, in consistent terms across his seminars. The five basic ingredients he identified in every vaccine were liquid mercury, aluminum, formaldehyde, ether, and detergent. Beyond these five, he cited totals of between 26 and 63 additional toxic ingredients per vaccine, all of which he characterized as toxic on their own individual merit and collectively as a "soup of toxins."

In the specific case of the polio vaccine, the disease component was grown in deteriorating eggs or in diseased animal tissue, typically monkey kidneys, which were treated and slightly heated to destroy defensive bacteria but not sufficiently to neutralize the toxic material. He noted that SV40, a monkey virus later found in human cancer tumors, entered the polio vaccine precisely because monkey kidneys were used as the growth medium, making contamination of that kind structurally inevitable rather than accidental.

The formaldehyde in the vaccine functions as an embalming fluid, coating cells so they can no longer respirate or function and fixing them in that form. The ether causes neurological disruption, consistent with its surgical use as an agent that shuts down parts of the brain. The detergent breaks down cellular membranes. The aluminum and mercury are heavy metals with specific toxicity to nerve tissue. Mercury he described as "the most severe neurological poison on earth for any animal," citing research from Alberta University demonstrating that a 2 percent solution of mercury causes neurons to visibly dissolve and disappear.

He calculated that a single vaccine dose contains approximately 6 million quadrillion molecules of mercury. Because it takes between 50 and 200 fat molecules to bind one molecule of mercury for safe elimination from the body, he estimated that to clear the contamination from a single vaccine, a person would need to consume a cup of cream and a stick of butter every single day for 10 years. Given that children were receiving between 68 and 113 vaccines by the time they reached adulthood, depending on the state, he considered the cumulative mercury load to be effectively impossible to clear without sustained, deliberate dietary intervention.

All of these ingredients travel through the bloodstream after injection and accumulate in whatever tissue is most susceptible or most compromised in a given individual. In his own case, the toxins from his first polio vaccine went to his intestines. The toxins from his third polio vaccine went to his heart. He described the same mechanism operating differently in different people: the same vaccine ingredients cause diabetes when they accumulate in pancreatic tissue, cause multiple sclerosis or lupus when they accumulate in connective tissue, and cause neurological destruction when they reach the brain.

Aajonus's explanation for why the polio vaccine caused clinical polio was mechanically straightforward within his framework. The vaccine injected poliovirus directly into the bloodstream along with metal toxins. The metal toxins, particularly mercury and aluminum, migrated into spinal cord tissue and began degenerating and killing cells there. The poliovirus, which exists in everyone and becomes active wherever degenerative tissue is present in the spinal cord, then activated in response to the metal-poisoned spinal tissue. The virus began dissolving that dead and degenerate tissue, which is its natural function, but in doing so it also cut off nerve pathways, producing paralysis.

In this reading, the vaccine did two harmful things simultaneously: it introduced the virus in an injected form that bypassed the body's normal defenses, and it introduced the metal toxins that created the exact spinal cord conditions that activate the virus. The clinical polio that followed vaccination was therefore not a coincidence or a side effect in the conventional sense but a direct and predictable consequence of the vaccine's composition.

He distinguished between what happens when poliomyelitis runs its course without medical interference and what happens when it is treated. When the virus is allowed to do its work, dissolving degenerative tissue in the spinal cord so that new tissue can regenerate, the paralysis is temporary as long as the person is consuming raw meat and raw fats, which provide the materials for tissue regeneration. When medical intervention attacks the process and suppresses it, the degenerative tissue that the virus was attempting to dissolve remains in place, rots, permanently cuts off the nerve channel, and results in permanent paralysis. He stated explicitly: "If you attack it, attack the body, and that degenerative tissue on which the poliomyelitis was feeding stays there and rots, you cut off the channel forever and you have permanent paralysis."

He cited a specific case of a patient whose poliomyelitis levels were high in the blood. That patient, whose daughter was also affected, showed recovery and was up and walking within six weeks. The high viral load in this case was associated with healing, not harm, because the virus was successfully dissolving degenerative tissue that could then be replaced with healthy cells. Other patients who underwent medical treatment became permanently paralyzed.

He also noted a class pattern in polio outcomes: almost all of the children and adults who ended up crippled from polio came from affluent families, because affluent families were more likely to take their children to doctors, receive more vaccines, and accept more medical interventions. The medical treatment, not the virus, was the proximate cause of permanent disability.

After the one year of mandatory record-keeping that produced the incidence tables above, the government mandated that further tracking be halted. No state, city, or county was permitted to maintain any statistical relationship between vaccine administration and disease outcomes. Only voluntary reporting remained after that point, and Aajonus characterized voluntary reporting as effectively useless because almost nothing is done with the reports.

He also described a parallel strategy of diagnostic renaming. Because poliovirus changes its genetic structure every 7 to 10 years, as all microbes do, the poliomyelitis of the 1950s is genetically distinct from the current form. The pharmaceutical and medical establishments use this genetic drift to classify the current presentations under entirely different disease names, making it appear that polio has been eliminated when in fact the same spinal cord degeneration and the same paralytic outcomes are occurring under other diagnostic labels.

He identified Guillain-Barre syndrome as the clearest example: "Look at Guillain-Barre disease. It's polio, terrifically advanced, that hits a body and paralyzes it like that. It has the same biochemical structure and damage." The renaming serves the double purpose of protecting the vaccine program from liability and maintaining the appearance that the vaccine succeeded in its stated mission. He stated: "They're giving it an entirely different name. And because all bacteria changes genetic structure every 7 to 10 years, of course the poliomyelitis that we had back in the 50s when the polio vaccine came out is different than it is now so they give it a different name. It's not polio anymore when it's the exact same thing."

Polio in its laboratory form is present in virtually everyone alive, in his view. "If you look in laboratory tests, you'll see the poliomyelitis is active in almost everybody alive." The question is not whether a person carries the virus but whether it is active, and if it is active, whether it is serving a beneficial purpose by dissolving degenerative spinal tissue, and what can be done nutritionally to support the body through the detoxification rather than suppress it.

Aajonus located the actual cause of the 1940s and 1950s polio epidemic not in any infectious transmission of virus but in metal contamination of the spinal cord from industrially produced food. The rise of large-scale canned food manufacturing beginning around 1945 introduced metals from cheaply manufactured cans directly into the food supply. These metals were absorbed through digestion, entered the bloodstream, and migrated into spinal cord tissue, where they caused progressive degeneration of nerve cells. When sufficient degeneration accumulated, the poliovirus activated to dissolve the dead tissue.

He cited multiple doctors of the era who recognized this connection. Several physicians in Los Angeles were blaming the epidemic on metals leaching from canned foods into the spinal cord. Others were implicating ice cream. A food-manufacturing-employed medical doctor told Aajonus directly that the industry was aware of the metal poisoning and was complicit in concealing it, and that by 1954 the industry had invented a trade-secret sealant coating to stop metals from leaching into food from cans, which later came to be known as plastic.

Instead of removing the source of contamination, the medical and pharmaceutical response was to remove tonsils, which were accumulating metals as part of the body's containment effort, administer antibiotic medications that caused further neurological tissue dissolution, use hot chamber treatments that accelerated tissue breakdown, and introduce a vaccine that added still more metals directly into the spinal cord via injection. He described this as a perfectly inverted response: "Instead of getting rid of processed prepackaged foods, it was have your tonsils ripped out, have this medication for your polio, and let's give you a polio vaccine, which has nothing to do with stopping polio."

He connected the contemporary polio epidemic in Nigeria, Pakistan, and Afghanistan to the same metal contamination mechanism. Those three countries are all war zones where metal bombs were detonated and vaporized into the atmosphere, contaminating air, soil, water, and food. Children in those regions have inhaled vaporized metals including uranium at exceptionally high levels. Many of the food aid supplies reaching those children are themselves contaminated with metallic food additives and agricultural chemicals. The conclusion, in his framework, was that "polio is caused by industrial pollution and no poisonous vaccine full of metal will prevent polio."

Aajonus described the vaccine industry broadly, and the polio vaccine specifically, as a multi-trillion-dollar operation sustained by deliberate deception, regulatory capture, and the suppression of inconvenient evidence. He estimated that the polio vaccine alone generated approximately $3 billion in its first mandatory year. The broader vaccine industry in the United States he described as generating trillions of dollars annually, not billions.

The financial architecture depends on a specific timing strategy: vaccines are never released until the disease they target has already reached its lowest incidence. This guarantees that the disease will appear to disappear in correlation with vaccine introduction, even though the correlation is not causal. The 18-month minimum manufacturing window means that by the time any vaccine reaches the market, the peak of the disease it targets has already passed. He treated this as a deliberate design feature rather than coincidence.

He also raised the question of deliberate population management as a possible motive for the vaccine program beyond pure profit, suggesting that the neurotoxic components of vaccines may serve to reduce cognitive capacity and social resistance in the population, making people more manageable. Mercury, aluminum, and formaldehyde all affect neurological function, and he argued that the cumulative effect of 68 to 113 vaccines across a childhood is a permanent and measurable degradation of neurological capacity that no amount of dietary correction can fully reverse within a single lifetime.

The prohibition on record-keeping after 1958, combined with the instruction to individual researchers and laboratory workers to remain silent about findings linking vaccines to disease outcomes, formed in his view a coherent pattern of institutional suppression rather than isolated failures of communication.

Aajonus grounded his rejection of vaccine theory in part by citing Louis Pasteur's own unpublished conclusions. He described Pasteur as having confessed on his deathbed that the idea of vaccination was doomed and that disease is produced by a toxic internal environment rather than by microbes. He also described his own research at the Sorbonne Institute in France, conducted between 1993 and 1996 over three months per year for slightly over three years, using a translator for older French technical texts. His finding was that not one of the animals in Pasteur's recorded vaccine experiments ever survived. Every animal went into anaphylactic shock and died. He interpreted this as evidence that when a body encounters the level of toxicity contained in a vaccine, it interprets the situation as fatal and responds by shutting down completely.

Dr. William F. Koch, M.D., Ph.D. is cited in Aajonus's book with the statement: "The injection of any serum, vaccine or even penicillin has shown a very marked increase in the incidence of polio, at least 400%. Statistics are so conclusive no one can deny it." Aajonus presented this as expert corroboration from within the medical establishment of his own statistical findings.

Beyond the standard five toxic ingredients present in all vaccines, the polio vaccine was documented as containing specific biological contaminants that entered through the manufacturing process. The use of monkey kidneys as a growth medium introduced simian cytomegalovirus and acanthamoeba, described as a "brain-eating amoeba," into the polio vaccine. The SV40 monkey virus entered the polio vaccine through the same route and was later found in human cancer tumors. Aajonus treated the SV40 contamination not as an exceptional error but as structurally inevitable given the manufacturing process: if monkey kidneys are used as a growth medium, every pathogen latent in those kidneys enters the final product.

He also cited fragments of poliovirus and bacterial material found in vaccines manufactured from aborted human fetal tissue, which was used in some formulations of polio vaccines, adenovirus vaccines, rubella, and hepatitis A and measles vaccines.

Aajonus's position on treating polio followed from his understanding of what the disease actually is. Because poliomyelitis is a viral detoxification of the spinal cord that is dissolving genuinely degenerate tissue, the correct response is to support the process rather than suppress it, provide the nutritional materials needed for tissue regeneration, and avoid anything that adds further toxic burden to the system.

He stated in his first book that a polio patient showed improvement only when no medical intervention was accepted and raw foods were consumed. Raw meat provides the proteins and specific compounds needed to regenerate nerve tissue. Raw fats, particularly cream and butter, are essential for binding and eliminating the metal toxins that originally caused the spinal degeneration and for providing the lipid materials that constitute nerve myelin.

The paralysis that occurs during active poliomyelitis is temporary when these conditions are met, because the virus dissolves the dead tissue, the nerve pathway is cleared, and new tissue grows in to restore function. He described one case in which the higher the measured poliomyelitis level in the blood, the more complete the recovery, because higher viral activity meant more effective dissolution of the accumulated toxic debris.

The worst outcomes, meaning permanent paralysis, were consistently associated with medical intervention that suppressed the viral process, administered additional toxins through antibiotics or other medications, and failed to provide the raw food nutrition necessary for tissue regeneration.