Geographic Relocation

Aajonus described his own experience of cold as viscerally destructive. When his family moved from Tennessee to Cincinnati when he was seven years old, the cold was, in his words, "a destruction in my life," because everything ached even more intensely. He was already a sickly child, and the cold environment made all of his symptoms worse.

During his years of living outdoors, he continued to feel this acutely. In Alaska, even at the end of August, temperatures dropping to around 50 degrees Fahrenheit at night left him paralyzed with pain. He described the experience as crying pain in every bone in his body, lasting from roughly 2:30 a.m. until the sun warmed him at 6 a.m. He noted that Alaska's entire spring, summer, and fall is compressed into roughly three months, with winter lasting approximately six months, and that September already constituted the beginning of winter there. He was explicit that he could not tolerate another winter of that level of pain and cold, and that even in Mexico during winter it got cold at night, and Mexican authorities would not give him a long enough visa because of his appearance, so he always had to return.

His conclusion was direct: he needed to return to Southern California where it was warm. He described the California desert as warm enough for him to survive through what he expected would be the last months of his life, and the Indian summer of that region as sufficient for him to manage even in December.

By contrast, once his health had recovered substantially through the Primal Diet, he described a complete reversal of his relationship to climate. He said he could go to Asia and find the heat feels good, and that when it is cold, that also feels good to him now. He described hiking through jungle terrain with natives who primarily eat raw food, finding the heat occasionally exasperating but managing it by jumping into a cool stream or waterfall. This transformation, from a person who could not tolerate temperatures below 50 degrees without intense pain to someone who enjoys both heat and cold, was presented as evidence of the diet's effect on the body's ability to regulate temperature.

He also commented more broadly that most people today require artificial heating and air conditioning to survive, and that this technological dependence masks the actual state of human health. He noted that 230 people died in three days during a blackout in New York City from heat prostration, and that massive numbers would die in cold snaps without central heating. His position was that this dependency on temperature control is a sign of constitutional weakness, not an achievement of civilization, though he acknowledged that heating and air conditioning has extended life in cities by allowing people to survive conditions their bodies cannot otherwise handle.

Aajonus's position on California as a place to live or purchase property was unambiguously negative by 2012. When a correspondent asked him whether California would survive whatever was coming and whether she should buy a small homestead there for herself and her daughter, his answer was unequivocal: "I would not buy anything in CA." His specific reasoning was that California's state laws were already so stringent regarding growing food and maintaining agricultural autonomy that, in his view, residents' rights to grow what they want would likely be gone within a few years.

He did not frame this as mere inconvenience but as a systemic legal threat to food freedom. He was involved at the time in a recently purchased farm in southern Missouri, which he described as being part of a multi-family operation. They already had cows being milked daily and chickens with eggs. He noted that the cost of land in southern Missouri was extraordinarily reasonable, and acknowledged that it has a cold season, though not as long as some regions.

It should be noted that Aajonus had lived in Los Angeles for extended periods and specifically in the mountains of Malibu at the North End, which he described as surrounded by deer and trees. He considered his Malibu location relatively clean compared to Los Angeles proper, though he acknowledged chemtrail spraying by the military as a significant and ongoing source of pollution even in that area.

When discussing where to establish farms and food security outside the United States, Aajonus addressed South America and Central America directly and rejected both, for different reasons.

He explained that he did not go to South America because Bush, Cheney, and what he described as the Rockefeller family's circle were buying up enormous amounts of property there, including control over water systems throughout the continent. His view was that these wealthy interests were acquiring land because they understood that water would become the primary source of profit in the future. He did not want to be located near or subject to those interests, and felt that their influence could shift conditions overnight in ways that would be unpredictable and dangerous.

Central America he described as already thoroughly commercialized, with Century 21 having taken over large portions of the real estate market and driving up prices everywhere. He also described the Bush and Cheney group as having installed a puppet government in Bolivia some years earlier, after which the government declared that no one could collect rainwater, since water collection rights had been sold to a private company endorsed by that government. He compared this to Gandhi's India, where people were forbidden from collecting their own salt from the ocean and had to purchase it from approved sources. His conclusion was that growing healthy food and maintaining food autonomy was going to be very important, and that Central America had already been sufficiently compromised to make it unsuitable.

Aajonus dedicated significant attention to explaining why he chose Thailand and the Philippines for his own farmland and why he considered parts of those countries to be among the cleanest and most viable places on earth for living on and producing raw food.

His farm in Thailand was located in Ubon Ratchathani, approximately 200 miles from the Vietnam border. He described the land as beginning at 600 meters elevation and rising to 900 meters, covering approximately 108 acres, with no road when he first acquired it. He had to have a road built, which took five months. There was no electricity, and the structures were grass huts. He noted it takes over an hour and a half to reach the property from the nearest populated area. He had goats and chickens in the Philippines and cows and chickens in Thailand. He was planning a health clinic on the Thailand property, describing it as an environment where he would not need to worry about the government attempting to shut down raw food practices, because that kind of regulatory pressure existed in the United States but not there. He noted that a patient in Bangkok had reversed prostate cancer on the diet and was funding the clinic buildings.

He was also explicit about acknowledging the problems with Thailand. He noted that the military, including U.S. military, was chemtrailing in Thailand, and that pesticides were being used widely across the country. His land, however, was in a remote jungle area adjacent to national forest, which he described as providing an additional buffer because the national forest designation means industry must go through legal battles before changing land use in the surrounding area.

For the Philippines, he described finding a specific island that he considered the safest in the archipelago. The Philippines has 7,107 islands, 90 percent of which are uninhabited, and he described the island he chose as being only 2 percent populated and situated 200 miles from the Vietnam border across the ocean, away from all the main islands. He said there are no volcanoes anywhere near that island, no typhoons, and no major natural disaster patterns that affect the rest of the Philippines, which he described as sitting in the Ring of Fire with 52 volcanoes, frequent typhoons, hurricanes, and earthquakes.

On this island he had coconuts already growing on the land by the native tribes, along with cashews, and monsoon rains for water supply. He described the area as having no paved roads for 60 miles in any direction, no paved road to access his property, with only a single jeepney running back and forth once a day. He said he had goats and chickens there. His position was that the combination of remoteness, no industrial agriculture, no chemtrails (contrasting with mainland areas), proximity to national forest, and native tribal land use made it one of the last genuinely clean food environments on the planet.

He had previously visited approximately 20 tribes in the Philippines and described only one of them as eating raw food, and described that tribe as being "vibrantly, incredibly healthy," contrasting it with all the others. He was in the process of exploring whether to open a health center there because, unlike the United States, there would be no regulatory opposition to treating people with raw food.

He was explicit about the challenge of accessing his Philippine property. To visit one prospective piece of land, he had to travel by four-wheel drive for many hours, then by boat, then swim, then hike, with the total journey taking three days. He framed this difficulty not as a problem but as a feature, because the inaccessibility protected the land and its inhabitants from industrial and governmental interference.

For people who were not in a position to relocate internationally, Aajonus described his involvement with a farm in southern Missouri as a viable domestic alternative to California. He was one of several families involved. The farm already had daily milk cows and chickens with eggs at the time he described it, in July 2012. He acknowledged the cold season but said it was not as long as in more northern climates. The primary appeal he described was the reasonable land cost and the collective structure, with multiple families sharing the resource and its costs.

He did not describe Missouri in the same terms as Thailand or the Philippines in terms of pollution or legal environment, and his description was relatively brief compared to his extensive discussions of the Asian properties. It appears in the sources primarily as a practical recommendation for someone specifically asking about warm-weather domestic options who had constraints preventing international relocation.

Aajonus argued at some length that humans are fundamentally migratory animals, and that the impulse to settle permanently in one place runs against biological nature. He drew on the Koster excavations in the Ohio Valley, conducted over more than 20 years by Dr. Struver and others, which documented Native American settlements in the valley over 15,000 years. The pattern found repeatedly was that tribes would settle in an area, stay for 75 to 150 years, develop osteoporosis, gout, joint deterioration, arthritis, and rheumatism, then become nomadic again for 200 years before attempting to settle once more. This cycle repeated continuously.

His interpretation was that settled life forces populations to consume their surrounding animal life, then transition to grains, legumes, nuts, and high-carbohydrate vegetation, which cannot sustain skeletal and systemic health the way raw meat and animal fat can. The archaeological record, in his reading, showed that humans "tried to become agriculturalists and wanted to be healthy that way, but they could never adjust to it," and this remained true in modern life.

He specifically noted that in Hawaii he had seen 40 cows on one acre, with the grass growing faster than the cows could eat it. In regions with regular rainfall, like South America, Central America, and Mexico, cattle can be sustained on small acreage because of rapid grass regrowth. These were the regions he considered naturally suited for food production, even if political conditions had compromised access to them.

One of the recurring themes in Aajonus's climate and geography discussion was his use of remote tribal populations as evidence of what clean environments and raw food diets produce in terms of health and longevity. He noted that the Maasai in Africa were being deliberately decimated through what he described as UK government cloud-seeding that prevented rain, causing a 12-year drought, in order to displace them from land containing valuable oil and mineral resources. He presented this as an example of the lengths to which industrial interests would go to acquire remote, clean territories.

He referenced the Georgian Russians documented by National Geographic in January 1973, including a man reportedly 168 years old and another who was 148, whose wife was 122 and who had been together for 102 years. He also mentioned the Vilcabamba people of Ecuador and Honduras and the Hunza. He cited the Samburu of Africa as living to the late 130s on average. He noted the Inuit in Alaska living to approximately 120 years old, though he qualified this by saying their constant freezing temperatures and limited access to fresh bacteria meant they could not live as long as some other groups.

His consistent point was that longevity statistics derived from cities were artificially skewed because cities had historically been the most disease-ridden, food-contaminated, and environmentally degraded environments. In rural farming communities, including those he observed by reading gravestones during his travels through rural America, people regularly lived to 105 to 111 years old. The statistical claim that people are now living longer than before, which he called propaganda, ignored the rural baseline and counted only the improvement in urban populations, which he attributed almost entirely to refrigeration, better food transport, and temperature-controlled environments, not to any improvement in medicine.

Aajonus described chemtrail spraying as one of the major pollution factors of the last several decades, present not just in the United States but across the world, including Thailand and other parts of Asia. He described seeing military and Boeing aircraft spraying aluminum, barium, and other contaminants, leaving streaks in the sky that disperse into thin clouds. He distinguished this from normal contrails and attributed it to military and industrial waste disposal.

The only region he had not observed chemtrailing was Hawaii, which he mentioned specifically as an exception. This absence of chemtrail activity in Hawaii appeared in his descriptions not as a reason to move there but simply as an observed fact, as his practical recommendations focused on Thailand, the Philippines, and Missouri rather than Hawaii.

When living in Thailand on his farm, he noted that he was the only vehicle in the surrounding village area, with perhaps five motorbikes in the entire village. His daily milk consumption dropped significantly when he was in Asia compared to the United States because, in his framing, his body needed much less protective fat to buffer against toxicity in a clean jungle environment. He described drinking 2 to 3 quarts of milk daily in the United States because of the toxic environment there, and much less in the jungle, where he said he was perspiring constantly but not needing the same level of internal buffering.

Aajonus described his sun exposure practice in the context of climate, noting that when he was in Asia he did sun sessions almost every day, whereas in the United States he aimed for approximately two hours per week in one stretch. He would have butter and bone marrow rubbed into his body during his sun exposure in Asia. His description of the experience was that it felt genuinely good to him after his recovery, contrasting completely with his childhood experience of blistering and burning after 10 minutes in the sun and being unable to tolerate temperatures below 50 degrees without shivering in pain.

The broader point he was making about climate in this context was that a body properly nourished on raw animal fats and proteins can adapt to and enjoy a wide range of climatic conditions, while a body damaged by cooked food, chemicals, and pharmaceutical agents becomes dependent on artificial temperature management and fragile in the face of either heat or cold.

Beyond the specific locations he mentioned, Aajonus outlined a general set of criteria for what made a location viable for clean food production and safe living. These included proximity to or within national forest land, which slows industrial encroachment because of required legal battles to change land use designations; distance from paved roads and established infrastructure, which correlates with distance from industrial agricultural chemicals and pollution; 90 percent or more uninhabited territory, as in much of the Philippines; the absence of active volcanic, typhoon, and earthquake risk in the specific location chosen even if those hazards exist elsewhere in the region; access to fresh water through monsoon or mountain streams; and the presence of existing food-producing elements such as coconut groves, cashews, and grazing animals.

He was explicit that he had chosen his Philippine island specifically because it met almost all of these criteria simultaneously, and that finding such a location required considerable research and physical exploration. He visited roughly 20 tribes in the Philippines before identifying the one area that met his requirements.

He also described the importance of having one's own animals. His setup in the Philippines included goats and chickens, and in Thailand cows and chickens. He noted that goats breed quickly, producing more than a single person can eat, and that this kind of self-sufficient animal husbandry was the foundation of food security in a remote location. His general instruction to people concerned about food access was to start thinking immediately about whether the United States would remain a viable place for clean food, to support local farmers, to start their own gardens right away, and to fight legal changes that threatened food autonomy.

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